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  With violence against women and girls escalating to its most brutal expression – sexual assaults and murders of minors – people in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan are reconsidering the abolition of the death penalty.  

By Niginakhon SaidaNovember 17, 2025 

Central Asia’s path to abolishing the death penalty was gradual but firm. In Kyrgyzstan, a moratorium on executions was introduced in 1998 and renewed every year until the 2007 referendum that formally abolished capital punishment.

Inherited from the Soviet era, newly independent Uzbekistan’s national legislation included about 30 articles prescribing the death penalty. The revised Criminal Code of 1994 reduced this to 13, by 1998 it dropped to eight, and by 2001 – to four. By 2003, just two crimes carried the death penalty, one of which was terrorism. A presidential decree in 2005 abolished capital punishment completely from January 1, 2008. During the constitutional reform process in 2022, some proposals to bring it back were raised, though they did not make it into the final document.

Yet public and political debates over capital punishment have never fully subsided. They resurface each time a brutal crime shocks society, particularly those involving young women or minors, and existing punishment is seen as too lenient. 

This October, both Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan once again found themselves confronting the question of whether the harshest possible penalty should return.

A  Tragedy That Shook the Kyrgyz Nation

On September 27, Aisuluu Mukasheva, a 17-year-old from Karakol, a city on the far eastern tip of Issyk Kul, left her home at midday to see a friend and disappeared. As her family rushed to the police, her body was found on the Zhel-Aryk highway in the Kemin district of the Chui region – raped, strangled, and discarded.

Police determined that her killer, 41-year-old Kumarbek Abdyrov, had offered her a ride and driven her to a nearby apple orchard, where he raped and strangled her. Abdyrov, who already had a prior conviction, then sold her phone, disposed of her SIM card, washed the car, and abandoned it in an attempt to erase the evidence. He was later arrested in Bishkek, the capital of Kyrgyzstan. 

Abdyrov, born in 1984, had been arrested in 2015 after attempting to kill a young woman, who survived the attack. He was initially sentenced to 12 years in prison, but the term was later reduced to seven. In 2018, after less than three years in detention, Abdyrov was released on parole. 

While the news of Mukasheva’s brutal death shocked the public, it was the revelations that emerged during the investigation about Abdyrov’s possible involvement in previous crimes that angered the nation to its core. As the inquiry progressed, law enforcement gradually linked several previously unsolved cases to Abdyrov. 

In 2011, a 22-year-old woman who was eight months pregnant was raped and killed in Bishkek. In 2014, two other similar cases occurred: 19-year-old Kamila Duyshibaeva, whose body was found strangled with her own scarf, and another 22-year-old woman who was also sexually assaulted and killed in the capital. Duyshibaeva’s case drew widespread attention since it involved a high-profile figure, a relative of former Prosecutor General Aida Salianova, and allegations that crucial evidence had been tampered with. But it remained a cold case until Abdyrov’s arrest. Now police say they believe it was Abdyrov who committed these crimes, and claim he has confessed to them. 

Although some believe police may have coerced Abdyrov into confessing to the cold cases, they have nevertheless sparked widespread debate, including at the highest levels of Kyrgyz politics, over the reinstatement of the death penalty.

Uzbekistan: A Parallel Wave of Horror

Across the border in Uzbekistan, public discussion on bringing back capital punishment has risen in response to similar crimes, but against much younger victims. 

In the Namangan region, a 38-year-old man was reportedly attending a wedding at his uncle’s home on October 14, 2025. While everyone was busy, he lured his uncle’s seven-year-old granddaughter aside with a lie, raped her, and fled the scene. The girl was hospitalized for several days. The assailant was arrested two days after the incident. 

The assailant also had similar previous convictions. In 2014, he was sentenced to ten years in prison for making violent threats, committing sexual assault by force, and “aggravated hooliganism,” but was released after his remaining sentence was replaced with correctional labor. In 2020, he was sentenced to another ten years for rape, but yet again was released early, with the remaining five years replaced by correctional labor in February 2025. 

Such crimes have occurred in the past. But with limited internet access and tighter media control, they stayed hidden from public view.

“The frequent appearance of topics related to sexual violence and exploitation of children in the media is largely connected to the growth of media outlets and the fact that much of our daily life has moved into the virtual world,” explained Kamola Alieva, a lawyer, gender specialist, and an associate professor at Tashkent State University of Law in a correspondence with The Diplomat. “Today, even issues from the most remote parts of Uzbekistan can reach the internet and spread quickly through anyone with a phone and internet access.” 

Komila Abdullayeva, an attorney, founder of the “Legal Assistance for Women” Center, and public activist, added that growing legal awareness among the population also plays a role. 

“These things happened before too, but they were latent (hidden). People were ashamed and didn’t want anyone to know,” Abdullayeva told The Diplomat. “I grew up in Jizzakh. There was a pedophile living in a neighboring building and everyone knew about him. He behaved indecently toward children, the girls warned each other, and parents told their kids to stay away from him. But no one ever went to the authorities.

“Now it’s different. Recently, a drunk man tried to kiss a young neighbor girl, and all the men from our building went together to report it to the police. My husband was among them. People have become more alert now.”

A parallel case occurred this October, when news about a 31-year-old fugitive from a correctional colony sexually assaulting a third-grade schoolgirl broke on social media. The man had been sentenced in 2018 to 16 years in prison for sexually assaulting minors under the age of 14 and was later transferred to a lower-security correctional facility (manzil koloniya) to serve the remainder of his term. Those held in such colonies are not traditional prisoners but convicted individuals who live under supervision without guards, can move freely within the facility, and, with permission, may work or study outside it. On October 16, while assigned to “useful labor” at a private enterprise in the Ahangaran district, the man escaped. He was apprehended the same day, but only after assaulting a nine-year-old schoolgirl who was walking home from class.

Shared Outrage, Divergent Paths

In both Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, public anger over these crimes is real and raw. But Bishkek is rushing toward populist penal reform, while Tashkent is trying to contain outrage within the boundaries of its present reformed image.

Public demand for the death penalty is louder and more resolute in Kyrgyzstan. In Barskoon village, a few hundred residents appealed to President Sadyr Japarov and the head of the State Committee for National Security, Kamshybek Tashiev, urging them to reinstate capital punishment for those who rape minors. 

“Prison won’t fix them,” they said in a video circulated online. 

Even Abdyrov’s relatives have voiced support for his execution, as he now faces prosecution for a series of femicides.

“The scale of gender-based violence and femicide in Kyrgyzstan is deeply alarming,” said Svetlana Dzardanova, gender and human rights researcher in an interview with The Diplomat. “The country has repeatedly been called one of the most dangerous places for women in the region. In just the first half of this year, over 10,000 cases of domestic violence were officially registered, which is just the tip of the iceberg. We know that many women still choose not to report abuse because they fear stigma, don’t trust the police, or simply don’t believe the system will protect them.” 

“People are frustrated and understandably so,” continued Dzardanova. “Every week, there’s another shocking case in the news. People see perpetrators walking free or receiving minimal punishment, and it feels like justice isn’t working. So the immediate reaction is often to demand tougher punishment, even the death penalty, just to feel that perpetrators finally ‘get what they deserve.’”

It did not take Japarov long to instruct his administration to prepare a proposal to reinstate the death penalty for femicide, particularly in cases involving rape or child abuse. It was introduced for public discussion on October 13 as a constitutional amendment.

“The issue could be put to a national referendum,” said Japarov. “If the majority supports it, then amendments to the Constitution and laws would be required, as well as a review of international obligations.”

However, after the constitutional abolition of capital punishment, in 2010, Kyrgyzstan also ratified the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which commits states to its permanent abolition. The protocol does not allow withdrawal or reintroduction of the death penalty with exceptions only for states that, upon ratification, reserved the right to apply it in time of war for serious crimes – a provision that does not apply to Kyrgyzstan.

International rights groups and advocacy networks have voiced firm opposition to the reinstatement of the death penalty. U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk warned that such a move would breach Kyrgyzstan’s international legal obligations. 

“Nowhere in the world has the death penalty proven effective in reducing serious crime,” contended Dzardanova. “It’s not the severity, but the inevitability of punishment that truly matters. What Kyrgyzstan really needs is systemic prevention of all forms of gender-based violence. In the vast majority of cases, femicide is the result of ongoing, systematic domestic abuse. The perpetrators are almost always people from the victim’s immediate circle: current or former partners, relatives, acquaintances. We know that these crimes can and should be prevented.”

Meanwhile, in Uzbekistan, alongside calls to reinstate the death penalty, people are also demanding chemical castration for those who assault minors, particularly repeat offenders. 

The previous wave of debate over reinstating the death penalty occurred in 2024 after the murder of a three-year-old child in Tashkent, who was stabbed 12 times. Reacting to the crime, Alisher Qodirov, deputy speaker of the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis, indirectly called for harsher measures, writing on social media that it was time to “cleanse the nation from such people.” 

“A crime is a crime,” he wrote, “but a person who commits brutality against an innocent child should not live.”

“It is unrealistic for Uzbekistan to reinstate the death penalty,” said Alieva, pointing at Uzbekistan’s obligations under international law that prohibit the reintroduction of capital punishment. The country acceded to the Second Optional Protocol to the ICCPR in 2008, two years before Kyrgyzstan did. 

“Chemical castration is not even a viable option. It is an expensive procedure for Uzbekistan,” Alieva added. And even if introduced, it would require the consent of the offender and involve multiple rounds of medical procedures. Besides, unless the castration is surgical, it remains reversible. Alieva noted that Uzbekistan is currently working to improve its international image vis-a-vis human rights standards grounded in humanism, making such punishments highly unlikely. 

Debate on chemical castration recurs in Uzbekistan whenever a particularly brutal crime against minors makes headlines, with supporters frequently pointing to international examples. When reports emerged in 2023 that senior officials had sexually exploited underage girls from an orphanage, then-Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration Komil Allamjonov publicly called for amendments to national law to allow chemical castration. 

“It’s time to amend the legislation on the use of chemical castration for pedophiles,” he wrote, citing countries such as Kazakhstan, Germany, France, and the United States where the practice exists, and Saudi Arabia and Iran, which impose the death penalty for similar crimes.

“Kazakhstan has chemical castration in place, but it cannot really be called effective,” said Abdullayeva, assessing the possibility of introducing such a law in Uzbekistan. “There are still reports from Kazakhstan of offenders repeating such acts, or at least engaging in indecent behavior towards minors, even after undergoing the procedure. If such laws (death penalty or castration) were adopted in Uzbekistan, it would lower the country’s standing in international human rights rankings.”

Earlier in 2023, after the body of a 12-year-old girl was found showing signs of rape, activists demanded the introduction of chemical castration and a public register of pedophiles. The calls even reached parliamentary debate, but no concrete legislative action followed.

“To protect victims, we first need to introduce an open register of pedophiles,” said Alieva. “We were promised this two-three years ago.” 

Once convicted sex offenders or pedophiles are released from prison, they should remain under the supervision of law enforcement, Alieva argued. A public registry should list their place of residence and any change of address allowing those living nearby to have access to this information. 

“In Uzbekistan, because the level of legal awareness and culture is still low, lawmakers fear that such openness could lead to mob justice. People might injure, or even kill those released from prison,” she said. “But I believe we need to study international practice and adopt its most effective elements.” 

Recent cases show that repeat offenses continue to occur. Uzbekistan’s penal system has been liberalizing criminal legislation in some ways by reducing sentences, or reclassifying certain crimes as administrative, but such leniency should apply to economic crimes, not to those who sexually abuse minors, noted Alieva.

Too many cases never reach the media, as many parents choose silence to protect the family’s honor and avoid further stigmatizing the child. In the first nine months of 2023, authorities reportedly registered 1,240 cases of violence against children, 417 of which (roughly a third) involved sexual abuse, signaling the the scale of the issue. Earlier reports indicated that in 2021 and 2022, sexual violence against minors accounted for about 18 percent of all registered cases of violence against children.

“We Need Laws that Work”

For politicians in Kyrgyzstan, the debate over the death penalty has become another opportunity to appear as heroes, appealing to public anger while ignoring deeper systemic problems. The public discussion of the draft law to reintroduce capital punishment closed on October 28 and is now under official review. There are a variety of opinions on the proposed law. Supporters argue that the death penalty is necessary, but insist on open and impartial judicial proceedings. Opponents, meanwhile, cite international law, widespread corruption within law enforcement and the judiciary, and the ineffectiveness of capital punishment in reducing heinous crimes.

“The case of Aisuluu Mukasheva is a tragic example of a system that failed to prevent a crime that could have been avoided. Her killer, a repeat offender, should have been under supervision,” said Dzardanova. “We need to shift the public narrative from blaming victims to holding perpetrators accountable. We need women to feel safe reporting abuse, and we must train first responders, especially the police. Law enforcement should not only be trained, but also held liable for inaction. We need the laws that are already in place to actually work. We need a country-wide network of crisis centers and shelters, and we need support systems for victims. For these measures to be effective, the state must invest resources and show political will to bring real change, rather than resorting to populist solutions like reinstating the death penalty.”

Debates in favor of resurrecting the death penalty among activists and political figures in Uzbekistan are not present, partly due to the government’s firm position on it. Instead, some advocate for tougher punishments, without pushing for the death penalty specifically. A deputy of the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis of Uzbekistan and a member of the Milliy Tiklanish democratic party faction, Dilnoza Azizova, called for such toughening. 

“The fact that such pedophiles have their sentences reduced under the pretext of ‘good behavior’ and are allowed to walk the streets freely is a testament to the state’s attitude towards children,” Azizova said in a lengthy, angry, Telegram post. She demanded lifetime imprisonment for any form of sexual assault on minors. Children’s Ombudsperson Surayyo Rahmonova has expressed support for imposing life sentences for heinous crimes against children, too, suggesting that when an offender commits multiple sexual crimes, the sentences should be added in full rather than partially combined, to ensure genuinely tougher penalties for repeat offenders.

“The maximum punishment that can realistically be applied is either life imprisonment or a 25-year prison sentence. And as already defined by the 2023 amendments, for those convicted of sexual violence, early conditional release should not be allowed,” concluded Alieva, assessing Uzbekistan’s current commitment to building a reformed state.

“I think we need to focus not only on the consequences, but also on the causes,” said Abdullaeva. “There are many gaps in our legislation. For example, I believe we still do not have a comprehensive legal document that fully protects children from physical, psychological, or economic violence.”

“There is the Law ‘On the Protection of Children from All Forms of Violence,’ but its implementation mechanism seems weak, or perhaps additional enforcement measures are needed,” Abdullaeva said. “In practice, when applying this law, we lawyers face many inconveniences. It seems that while the law exists, overlapping powers among authorized state bodies lead to bureaucratic obstacles.”

Both Alieva and Abdullaeva emphasized the need to strengthen proactive and preventive measures and to work directly with children on awareness and protection, especially in the education system. 

“We must not view the issue only through the lens of punishment, but also through education ,” said Alieva. “Children should be taught to recognize the first signs of abuse and to report them to trusted adults such as parents or teachers.” 

“Children are also unprotected in terms of information,” added Abdullayeva. “Pornographic content, whether through phones or platforms like YouTube, is easily accessible. That’s wrong. The brain gets used to it. Because children are not protected from such content, among other factors, many grow up viewing sexual violence as something normal or acceptable. That’s why these topics need to be included in education from kindergarten and school onward.”

The grief behind every demand for retribution is real, but so is the fear that punishment alone will not bring safety. Until laws are enforced, institutions are reformed, and victims are protected before tragedy strikes, the question for Central Asia will not be whether to bring the death penalty back, but why justice still fails to prevent another child’s death.